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The Most Intelligent Analysis of our Present Situation

By Mort Zukerman
Fear, panic, and uncertainty pervade the world of finance. It's not 1929. We don't have speculators jumping from windows, but we see some great financial companies going splat—AIG, Lehman Brothers, Countrywide, Bear Stearns, Merrill Lynch—and most spectacularly and most disgracefully, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, two government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs) with a portfolio of $5.5 trillion.
 
What happened to make the heavens fall in?
In the '20s, conventional banks took deposits and made them work to drive the economy; the rule was they could lend 9 dollars for every dollar deposit. The process is called leverage—the one dollar levers nine. It was simple enough, except in panics, when every depositor wanted his money back at the same time and it wasn't there; the money was out working, so thousands of banks went belly up and the Depression deepened.

What's new and scary is that the principal role in channeling funds from savers to borrowers now comes from nondepository institutions such as investment banks, hedge funds, and private equity funds. They invented new ways to slice and dice loans, packaging them as securities that could be sold to investors the world over. But who knew what they were really buying? The securitizers financed assets with a growing volume of credit and with ever higher leverage. In short, the new but opaque pyramids of structured securities enabled the new institutions to lend more against less.

The world was awash not with cash but with credit. The global issuance of credit instruments went from $250 billion to $3 trillion a year. Many of these securities were rated, but last year, the agencies started downgrading billions of dollars of debt they had once deemed safe. Prices tumbled as investors stopped trusting the ratings and stopped buying complex instruments. Financial institutions began to hoard cash and cut back on loans even to other banks. Witness the sharp rise in the London Interbank offered rate—the main measure of banks lending to one another.

Bad timing. The funding crisis meant financial firms were no longer able to turn assets such as subprime mortgages into securities and sell them. These markets became illiquid, forcing securitizers to turn to their banks for help. But that squeezed the balance sheets of the banks at the very moment when banks were facing their own losses on debt securities.

Decisions have been frozen, as no one knows whom to trust. Bank credit has fallen at the fastest rates since the Federal Reserve began collecting weekly figures, as have total bank deposits and money-supply numbers. Issues of collateral debt obligations fell 94 percent between the first quarter of 2007 and the first quarter of 2008. This credit liquidation will continue for a lot longer than most people think, regardless of what the authorities do.

The investment banks, hedge funds, and private equity funds that took on the most risks are the ones facing the possibility of going under. This is exacerbated by the evaporation of trust. The word "credit" derives from the Latin crederi, which means to believe. People stopped believing both in the borrowers and in the new credit instruments. Too many of the investors had no idea of the risks they were exposed to, so now we have a postmodern version of a run on the banks. In the old days, the depositors lined up outside the closed bank doors; today, the money leaves these financial institutions through electronic transmissions. Cash is withdrawn, credit lines are pulled, counterparty risks are unwound, and the result is a freeze up of credit and a downward spiral of asset values, which paralleled what happened during the great bank runs of the 1930s.

The Feds are doing their best, orchestrating a series of ad hoc plans to restore credit in these nondepository institutions. The Feds are right to keep the financial plumbing lubricated by providing liquidity for different kinds of assets, for longer periods of time and to more borrowers, secured not just by fixed income securities but also by equities. But this provision of more aid to more borrowers than ever before is an unprecedented expansion of the role of the Feds.

These steps may have saved the system to date but have barely improved financial conditions since the abrupt takeover of Bear Stearns by JPMorgan Chase in the spring. Now, there is fear of what economists call an adverse feedback loop. Deleveraging puts downward pressures on the prices of securities, which in turn forces financial institutions to deleverage more. The same thing happens when home prices fall and households are forced to cut back their spending or walk away from their home mortgages.

The speculation did not just begin yesterday. It began with the technology stocks in the 1990s, turned to real estate, commodities, and private equity buyouts in this past decade, and then took over many other financial markets. Now, a significant fraction of the speculative loans that banks made during the boom years are underwater, and the risk of these losses will overwhelm banks that have limited capital to absorb them.

Investors including sovereign-wealth funds have put billions into Citigroup, Merrill , Lehman, and others, only to suffer mammoth losses on these investments, which in turn is causing them to balk at any future flow of equity capital. This raises the prospect that other banks, especially regional and community banks, might fail.

We are into the second year of this credit crisis, triggered by the subprime mortgage disaster. Why hasn't the healing begun? The answer lies in the way leverage works. Banks are not only providing loans to customers, they also use leverage themselves. When they make profits, they borrow more money to make more loans and book still more profits. But for every dollar of bank wealth that they lose, government-regulated commercial banks must eliminate $10 of lending, and for investment banks, the figure may be as high as $30. If the total losses across the credit markets exceed $1 trillion—and some think they will go to $2 trillion—then you have to put on a leverage multiplier of 10 or 15. This kind of gigantic number of more than $10 trillion poses a systemic risk that could drag many financial institutions down and take years to work through the system.

The problem is the financial markets and firms are interconnected with increasingly complicated securities such as credit default swaps and money market instruments such as repos. The failure of one firm can send ripple effects through the whole system, but the market and regulators have limited experience in how to handle such a crisis.

Credit drought. Today, the challenge is to build a new sense of trust in finance, as well as to rebuild equity. That makes it hard to predict when the credit crunch will end and how big the losses may be. This crunch is much more serious than in 1987, when the crash was confined to the equity markets and over within a few weeks. This one has greater scope to harm the real economy: Without credit, business dries up.

Lower economic growth in turn makes things worse in the financial markets. It is affecting not only housing but autos, credit cards, commercial mortgages, commercial and industrial activities, and the leveraged buyout loan markets. Without credit, the domestic private economy cannot generate profits, and without solid profits the health of lenders and the availability of credit will deteriorate even further.

The fear stalking the financial world is a counterpoint to the downright greed that produced it. The corporate leadership of Fannie and Freddie clearly inflated the value of their equity base by treating possible tax credits as assets, by extending delinquent loans from 90 days to two years so they wouldn't have to write down tens of thousands of them, and by refusing to mark some of their paper to market but keeping it at par value. They did this to avoid falling below the financial regulatory requirements they should have met. The result was to dramatically expand the exposure of the taxpayers to their losses. Management took on excessive and unnecessary risks because it focused on profits and bonuses and failed to protect adequately against potential mortgage defaults. How else to explain they had $65 of debt for every dollar of equity? How else to justify taking on $600 billion in subprime mortgages, or in securities backed by those mortgages, over the past half dozen years? These included many 100 percent mortgages to borrowers whose incomes were insufficient to cover the debt payments. Meantime Fannie and Freddie were dispensing vast rewards to their private management along the way. Outrageous!

The investment bankers took ungodly and unnecessary risks and then really did not speak openly about them or address them soon enough in order to avoid the collapse of some of the firms. This was the case of Lehman Brothers and its real estate holdings. As Woody Brock of Strategic Economic Decisions points out, mismanagement, along with "greed, perverse incentives, poor risk assessment . . . are deeply rooted in human nature and thus cannot be changed." But too much leverage, which amplifies those human failings like ignorance and bad judgment, can certainly be reformed and regulated.

What is to be done?

Both presidential candidates recognize that in the post-securitization world that has emerged in the past decade, a new system of regulation is inescapable. First, it will have to limit mortgages to viable buyers, and it will require imposing maximum loan-to-value mortgage ratios. Secondly, we will have to change our monetary policy framework to take explicit account of asset prices whose escalation was what blew up the bubble and finally burst it. Thirdly, a whole system of regulation (including limits on leverage) will have to apply to the investment banking, hedge fund, and private equity world: When firms directly or indirectly have to rely on the federal government to bail them out, they invite something similar to the Federal Reserve policy that was put into place in the 1930s toregulate banks and avoid systemic risk. In the short run some new federal agency may have to buy at a discount illiquid assets in order to enable private financing to resume.

The world of finance will never escape the existence of fear and greed. The appropriate degree of regulation will clearly be needed to prevent the kind of excesses that have now put at risk the entire economy.

 
 
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From Laura, a Townhall contributer

Wow, this says it the best I have ever read....

Subject: Don't be lulled into complacency...
Obama is "pragmatic." He is also a communist ideologue, as are all of those who have supported him through the years (which is why he does not want us to know about any of them).

Being a "pragmatist" and a communist means that you will use any means necessary to get what you need done, done. And as Hitler did in Germany in the 1930s (he was elected, too), Obama will use every event, "crisis," "bubble" and problem to justify further encroachments on our liberties. Tt won't just be our money he takes. Our right of free speech will go, too, just as it has in Missouri, when anyone who said anything "false" about Obama was threatened with prosecution. You can kiss talk radio goodbye, with the reenactment of the so-called "Fairness Doctrine." Your right to religious belief will be gone - at least if you believe that abortion and homosexuality are wrong. But be assured - our freedoms will be taken from us "reluctantly," as President Obama uses whatever "crisis" is at hand to justify it.

And crises there will be. Because we are reaping the consequences of failed social policies that have created generations of people who act like pigs waiting for slop at a public trough. We have created it, and called it "compassion." It is immoral. You need only look at New Orleans after Katrina if you want to know what this country will be like just a few years from now: filled with helpless people who have lived on the dole so long that they don't know how to take care of themselves, work, raise children, make anything productive. They eat, they breed, they take checks from the government, and when the government isn't there to "take care" of them, they riot, they steal, and they die in miserable conditions.

Oh, yeah - sounds compassionate to me.
 
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The Real and Present Danger to America--EMP Attack Would Leave Millions Dead Within Weeks

For all my concerns about education, military strategy, intelligence failures, cultural deterioration, etc, this danger may well be the biggest and most fearful of all.  And as the writer points out, if we are indeed transported back in time to the 1880s, we are ripe for an immediate invasion by China who would overwhelm Japan, Taiwan, Philippines, Austrailia, and New Zealand while Russia overwhelms Europe.  Goodbye to the West!! 
 
 
Unready For This Attack

By Jon Kyl
Saturday, April 16, 2005; Page A19

Recently a Senate Judiciary subcommittee of which I am chairman held a hearing on a major threat to the American people, one that could come not only from terrorist organizations such as al Qaeda but from rogue nations such as Iran and North Korea.

An electromagnetic pulse (EMP) attack on the American homeland, said one of the distinguished scientists who testified at the hearing, is one of only a few ways that the United States could be defeated by its enemies -- terrorist or otherwise. And it is probably the easiest. A single Scud missile, carrying a single nuclear weapon, detonated at the appropriate altitude, would interact with the Earth's atmosphere, producing an electromagnetic pulse radiating down to the surface at the speed of light. Depending on the location and size of the blast, the effect would be to knock out already stressed power grids and other electrical systems across much or even all of the continental United States, for months if not years. Few if any people would die right away. But the loss of power would have a cascading effect on all aspects of U.S. society. Communication would be largely impossible. Lack of refrigeration would leave food rotting in warehouses, exacerbated by a lack of transportation as those vehicles still working simply ran out of gas (which is pumped with electricity). The inability to sanitize and distribute water would quickly threaten public health, not to mention the safety of anyone in the path of the inevitable fires, which would rage unchecked. And as we have seen in areas of natural and other disasters, such circumstances often result in a fairly rapid breakdown of social order.

American society has grown so dependent on computer and other electrical systems that we have created our own Achilles' heel of vulnerability, ironically much greater than those of other, less developed nations. When deprived of power, we are in many ways helpless, as the New York City blackout made clear. In that case, power was restored quickly because adjacent areas could provide help. But a large-scale burnout caused by a broad EMP attack would create a much more difficult situation. Not only would there be nobody nearby to help, it could take years to replace destroyed equipment.

Transformers for regional substations, for example, are massive pieces of equipment that are no longer manufactured in the United States and typically take more than a year to build. In the words of another witness at the hearing, "The longer the basic outage, the more problematic and uncertain the recovery of any [infrastructure system] will be. It is possible -- indeed, seemingly likely -- for sufficiently severe functional outages to become mutually reinforcing, until a point at which the degradation . . . could have irreversible effects on the country's ability to support any large fraction of its present human population." Those who survived, he said, would find themselves transported back to the United States of the 1880s.

This threat may sound straight out of Hollywood, but it is very real. CIA Director Porter Goss recently testified before Congress about nuclear material missing from storage sites in Russia that may have found its way into terrorist hands, and FBI Director Robert Mueller has confirmed new intelligence that suggests al Qaeda is trying to acquire and use weapons of mass destruction. Iran has surprised intelligence analysts by describing the mid-flight detonations of missiles fired from ships on the Caspian Sea as "successful" tests. North Korea exports missile technology around the world; Scuds can easily be purchased on the open market for about $100,000 apiece.

A terrorist organization might have trouble putting a nuclear warhead "on target" with a Scud, but it would be much easier to simply launch and detonate in the atmosphere. No need for the risk and difficulty of trying to smuggle a nuclear weapon over the border or hit a particular city. Just launch a cheap missile from a freighter in international waters -- al Qaeda is believed to own about 80 such vessels -- and make sure to get it a few miles in the air.

Fortunately, hardening key infrastructure systems and procuring vital backup equipment such as transformers is both feasible and -- compared with the threat -- relatively inexpensive, according to a comprehensive report on the EMP threat by a commission of prominent experts. But it will take leadership by the Department of Homeland Security, the Defense Department, and other federal agencies, along with support from Congress, all of which have yet to materialize.

The Sept. 11 commission report stated that our biggest failure was one of "imagination." No one imagined that terrorists would do what they did on Sept. 11. Today few Americans can conceive of the possibility that terrorists could bring our society to its knees by destroying everything we rely on that runs on electricity. But this time we've been warned, and we'd better be prepared to respond.

The writer is a Republican senator from Arizona and chairman of the Senate Judiciary subcommittee on terrorism, technology and homeland security.


 
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The Growing Menace of China

From a British Newspaper
 

I think I am probably going to die any minute now. An inflamed, deceived mob of about 50 desperate men are crowding round the car, some trying to turn it over, others beating at it with large rocks, all yelling insults and curses.

They have just started to smash the windows. Next, they will pull us out and, well, let's not think about that ...

I am trying not to meet their eyes, but they are staring at me and my companions with rage and hatred such as I haven't seen in a human face before. Those companions, Barbara Jones and Richard van Ryneveld, are - like me - quite helpless in the back seats.

If we get out, we will certainly be beaten to death. If we stay where we are, we will probably be beaten to death.

Our two African companions have - crazily in our view - got out of the car to try to reason with the crowd. It is clear to us that you might as well preach non-violence to a tornado.

At last, after what must have been about 40 seconds but that felt like half an hour, one of the pair saw sense, leapt back into the car and reversed wildly down the rocky, dusty path - leaving his friend behind.

By the grace of God we did not slither into the ditch, roll over or burst a tyre. Through the dust we churned up as we fled, we could see our would-be killers running with appalling speed to catch up. There was just time to make a crazy two-point turn which allowed us to go forwards and so out-distance them.

We had pretty much abandoned our other guide to whatever his fate might be (this was surprisingly easy to justify to myself at the time) when we saw that he had broken free and was running with Olympic swiftness, just ahead of pursuers half hidden by the dust.

We flung open a rear door so he could scramble in and, engine grinding, we veered off, bouncing painfully over the ruts and rocks.

We feared there would be another barricade to stop our escape, and it would all begin again. But there wasn't, and we eventually realised we had got away, even the man whose idiocy nearly got us killed.

He told us it was us they wanted, not him, or he would never have escaped. We ought to be dead. We are not. It is an interesting feeling, not wholly unpleasant.

Why did they want to kill us? What was the reason for their fury? They thought that if I reported on their way of life they might lose their livings.

Livings? Dyings, more likely.

A Chinese supervisor cajoles local workers as they dig a trench in Kabwe, Zambia

Peking power: A Chinese supervisor cajoles local workers as they dig a trench in Kabwe, Zambia

 

These poor, hopeless, angry people exist by grubbing for scraps of cobalt and copper ore in the filth and dust of abandoned copper mines in Congo, sinking perilous 80ft shafts by hand, washing their finds in cholera-infected streams full of human filth, then pushing enormous two-hundredweight loads uphill on ancient bicycles to the nearby town of Likasi where middlemen buy them to sell on, mainly to Chinese businessmen hungry for these vital metals.

To see them, as they plod miserably past, is to be reminded of pictures of unemployed miners in Thirties Britain, stumbling home in the drizzle with sacks of coal scraps gleaned from spoil heaps.

Except that here the unsparing heat makes the labour five times as hard, and the conditions of work and life are worse by far than any known in England since the 18th Century.

Many perish as their primitive mines collapse on them, or are horribly injured without hope of medical treatment. Many are little more than children. On a good day they may earn $3, which just supports a meagre existence in diseased, malarial slums.

We had been earlier to this awful pit, which looked like a penal colony in an ancient slave empire.

Defeated, bowed figures toiled endlessly in dozens of hand-dug pits. Their faces, when visible, were blank and without hope.

We had been turned away by a fat, corrupt policeman who pretended our papers weren't in order, but who was really taking instructions from a dead-eyed, one-eared gangmaster who sat next to him.

By the time we returned with more official permits, the gangmasters had readied the ambush.

The diggers feared - and their evil, sinister bosses had worked hard on that fear - that if people like me publicised their filthy way of life, then the mine might be closed and the $3 a day might be taken away.

I can give you no better explanation in miniature of the wicked thing that I believe is now happening in Africa.

Out of desperation, much of the continent is selling itself into a new era of corruption and virtual slavery as China seeks to buy up all the metals, minerals and oil she can lay her hands on: copper for electric and telephone cables, cobalt for mobile phones and jet engines - the basic raw materials of modern life.

It is crude rapacity, but to Africans and many of their leaders it is better than the alternative, which is slow starvation.

Congolese risk their lives digging through mountains of mining waste looking for scraps of metal ore

The Congolese risk their lives digging through mountains of mining waste looking for scraps of metal ore

 

It is my view - and not just because I was so nearly killed - that China's cynical new version of imperialism in Africa is a wicked enterprise.

China offers both rulers and the ruled in Africa the simple, squalid advantages of shameless exploitation.

For the governments, there are gargantuan loans, promises of new roads, railways, hospitals and schools - in return for giving Peking a free and tax-free run at Africa's rich resources of oil, minerals and metals.

For the people, there are these wretched leavings, which, miserable as they are, must be better than the near-starvation they otherwise face.

Persuasive academics advised me before I set off on this journey that China's scramble for Africa had much to be said for it. They pointed out China needs African markets for its goods, and has an interest in real economic advance in that broken continent.

For once, they argued, a foreign intervention in Africa might work precisely because it is so cynical and self-interested. They said Western aid, with all its conditions, did little to create real advances in Africa, laughing as they declared: 'The only country that ever got rich through donations is the Vatican.'

Why get so het up about African corruption anyway? Is it really so much worse than corruption in Russia or India?

Is it really our business to try to act as missionaries of purity? Isn't what we call 'corruption' another name for what Africans view as looking after their families?

And what about China herself? Despite the country's convulsive growth and new wealth, it still suffers gravely from poverty and backwardness, as I have seen for myself in its dingy sweatshops, the primitive electricity-free villages of Canton, the dark and squalid mining city of Datong and the cave-dwelling settlements that still rely on wells for their water.

After the murderous disaster of Mao, and the long chaos that went before, China longs above all for stable prosperity. And, as one genial and open-minded Chinese businessman said to me in Congo as we sat over a beer in the decayed colonial majesty of Lubumbashi's Belgian-built Park Hotel: 'Africa is China's last hope.'

I find this argument quite appealing, in theory. Britain's own adventures in Africa were not specially benevolent, although many decent men did what they could to enforce fairness and justice amid the bigotry and exploitation.

Chinese building workers in Zambia

Taking over: Chinese building workers in Zambia

 

It is noticeable that in much former British territory we have left behind plenty of good things and habits that are absent in the lands once ruled by rival empires.

Even so, with Zimbabwe, Nigeria and Uganda on our conscience, who are we to lecture others?

I chose to look at China's intervention in two countries, Zambia and the 'Democratic Republic of the Congo', because they lie side by side; because one was once British and the other Belgian.

Also, in Zambia's imperfect but functioning democracy, there is actual opposition to the Chinese presence, while in the despotic Congo, opposition to President Joseph Kabila is unwise, to put it mildly.

Congo is barely a state at all, and still hosts plenty of fighting not all that far from here.

Statues and images of Joseph's murdered father Laurent are everywhere in an obvious attempt to create a cult of personality on which stability may one day be based. Portraits of Joseph himself scowl from every wall.

I have decided not to name most of the people who spoke to me, even though some of them gave me permission to do so, because I am not sure they know just how much of a risk they may be running by criticising the Chinese in Africa.

I know from personal experience with Chinese authority that Peking regards anything short of deep respect as insulting, and it does not forget a slight.

I also know that this over-sensitive vigilance is present in Africa.

The Mail on Sunday team was reported to the authorities in Zambia's Copper Belt by Chinese managers who had seen us taking photographs of a graveyard at Chambishi where 54 victims of a disaster in a Chinese-run explosives factory are buried. Within an hour, local 'security' officials were buzzing round us trying to find out what we were up to.

This is why I have some time for the Zambian opposition politician Michael Sata, known as 'King Cobra' because of his fearless combative nature (but also, say his opponents, because he is so slippery).

Sata has challenged China's plans to invest in Zambia, and is publicly suspicious of them. At elections two years ago, the Chinese were widely believed to have privately threatened to pull out of the country if he won, and to have helped the government parties win.

Peking regards Zambia as a great prize, alongside its other favoured nations of Sudan (oil), Angola (oil) and Congo (metals).

Peter Hitchens with Michael Sata

Fighting back: Peter Hitchens with Michael Sata, the opposition politician nicknamed 'King Cobra'

 

It has cancelled Zambia's debts, eased Zambian exports to China, established a 'special economic zone' in the Copper Belt, offered to build a sports stadium, schools, a hospital and an anti-malaria centre as well as providing scholarships and dispatching experts to help with agriculture. Zambia-China trade is growing rapidly, mainly in the form of copper.

All this has aroused the suspicions of Mr Sata, a populist politician famous for his blunt, combative manner and his harsh, biting attacks on opponents, and who was once a porter who swept the platforms at Victoria Station in London.

Now the leader of the Patriotic Front, with a respectable chance of winning a presidential election set for the end of October, Sata says: 'The Chinese are not here as investors, they are here as invaders.

'They bring Chinese to come and push wheelbarrows, they bring Chinese bricklayers, they bring Chinese carpenters, Chinese plumbers. We have plenty of those in Zambia.'

This is true. In Lusaka and in the Copper Belt, poor and lowly Chinese workers, in broad-brimmed straw hats from another era, are a common sight at mines and on building sites, as are better-dressed Chinese supervisors and technicians.

There are Chinese restaurants and Chinese clinics and Chinese housing compounds - and a growing number of Chinese flags flapping over factories and smelters.

'We don't need to import labourers from China,' Sata says. 'We need to import people with skills we don't have in Zambia. The Chinese are not going to train our people in how to push wheelbarrows.'

He meets me in the garden of his not specially grand house in the old-established and verdant Rhodes Park section of Lusaka. It is guarded by uniformed security men, its walls protected by barbed wire and broken glass.

'Wherever our Chinese "brothers" are they don't care about the local workers,' he complains, alleging that Chinese companies have lax safety procedures and treat their African workers like dirt.

In language which seems exaggerated, but which will later turn out to be at least partly true, he claims: 'They employ people in slave conditions.'

He also accuses Chinese overseers of frequently beating up Zambians. His claim is given force by a story in that morning's Lusaka newspapers about how a Zambian building worker in Ndola, in the Copper Belt, was allegedly beaten unconscious by four Chinese co-workers angry that he had gone to sleep on the job.

I later checked this account with the victim's relatives in an Ndola shanty town and found it to be true.

Chinese sign in Zambia

Evidence of China is never very far away

 

Recently, a government minister, Alice Simago, was shown weeping on TV after she saw at first hand the working conditions at a Chinese-owned coal mine in the Southern Province.

When I contacted her, she declined to speak to me about this - possibly because criticism of the Chinese is not welcome among most of the Zambian elite.

Denis Lukwesa, deputy general secretary of the Zambian Mineworkers' Union, also backed up Sata's view, saying: 'They just don't understand about safety. They are more interested in profit.'

As for their general treatment of African workers, Lukwesa says he knows of cases where Chinese supervisors have kicked Zambians. He summed up their attitude like this: 'They are harsh to Zambians, and they don't get on well with them.'

Sata warns against the enormous loans and offers of help with transport, schools and health care with which Peking now sweetens its attempts to buy up Africa's mineral reserves.

'China's deal with the Democratic Republic of the Congo is, in my opinion, corruption,' he says, comparing this with Western loans which require strong measures against corruption.

Everyone in Africa knows China's Congo deal - worth almost £5billion in loans, roads, railways, hospitals and schools - was offered after Western experts demanded tougher anti-corruption measures in return for more aid.

Sata knows the Chinese are unpopular in his country. Zambians use a mocking word - 'choncholi' - to describe the way the Chinese speak. Zambian businessmen gossip about the way the Chinese live in separate compounds, where - they claim - dogs are kept for food.

There are persistent rumours, which cropped up in almost every conversation I had in Zambia, that many of the imported Chinese workforce are convicted criminals whom China wants to offload in Africa. I was unable to confirm this but, given China's enormous gulag and the harshness of life for many migrant workers, it is certainly not impossible.

Sata warns that 'sticks and stones' may one day fly if China does not treat Zambians better. He now promises a completely new approach: 'I used to sweep up at your Victoria Station, and I never got any complaints about my work. I want to sweep my country even cleaner than I swept your stations.'

Some Africa experts tend to portray Sata as a troublemaker. His detractors whisper that he is a mouthpiece for Taiwan, which used to be recognised by many African states but which faces almost total isolation thanks to Peking's new Africa policy.

But his claims were confirmed by a senior worker in Chambishi, scene of the 2005 explosion. This man, whom I will call Thomas, is serious, experienced and responsible. His verdict on the Chinese is devastating.

He recalls the aftermath of the blast, when he had the ghastly task of collecting together what remained of the men who died: 'Zambia, a country of 11million people, went into official mourning for this disaster.

'A Chinese supervisor said to me in broken English, "In China, 5,000 people die, and there is nothing. In Zambia, 50 people die and everyone is weeping." To them, 50 people are nothing.'

This sort of thing creates resentment. Earlier this year African workers at the new Chinese smelter at Chambishi rioted over low wages and what they thought were unsafe working conditions.

When Chinese President Hu Jintao came to Zambia in 2006, he had to cancel a visit to the Copper Belt for fear of hostile demonstrations. Thomas says: 'The people who advised Hu Jintao not to come were right.'

He suspects Chinese arrogance and brutality towards Africans is not racial bigotry, but a fear of being seen to be weak. 'They are trying to prove they are not inferior to the West. They are trying too hard.

'If they ask you to do something and you don't do it, they think you're not doing it because they aren't white. People put up with the kicks and blows because they need work to survive.'

Many in Africa also accuse the Chinese of unconcealed corruption. This is specially obvious in the 'Democratic Republic of the Congo', currently listed as the most corrupt nation on Earth.

A North-American businessman who runs a copper smelting business in Katanga Province told me how his firm tried to obey safety laws.

They are constantly targeted by official safety inspectors because they refuse to bribe them. Meanwhile, Chinese enterprises nearby get away with huge breaches of the law - because they paid bribes.

'We never pay,' he said, 'because once you pay you become their b**tch; you will pay for ever and ever.'

Another businessman shrugged over the way he is forced to wait weeks to get his products out of the country, while the Chinese have no such problems.

'I'm not sure the Chinese even know there are customs regulations,' he said. 'They don't fill in the forms, they just pay. I try to be philosophical about it, but it is not easy.'

Unlike orderly Zambia, Congo is a place of chaos, obvious privation, tyranny dressed up as democracy for public-relations purposes, and fear.

This is Katanga, the mineral-rich slice of land fought over furiously in the early Sixties in post-colonial Africa's first civil war. Brooding over its capital, Lubumbashi, is a 400ft black hill: the accumulated slag and waste of 80 years of copper mining and smelting.

Now, thanks to a crazy rise in the price of copper and cobalt, the looming, sinister mound is being quarried - by Western business, by the Chinese and by bands of Congolese who grub and scramble around it searching for scraps of copper or traces of cobalt, smashing lumps of slag with great hammers as they hunt for any way of paying for that night's supper.

As dusk falls and the shadows lengthen, the scene looks like the blasted land of Mordor in Tolkien's Lord Of The Rings: a pre-medieval prospect of hopeless, condemned toil in pits surrounded by stony desolation.

Behind them tower the leaning ruins of colossal abandoned factories: monuments to the wars and chaos that have repeatedly passed this way.

There is something strange and unsettling about industrial scenes in Africa, pithead winding gear and gaunt chimneys rising out of tawny grasslands dotted with anthills and banana palms. It looks as if someone has made a grave mistake.

And there is a lesson for colonial pride and ambition in the streets of Lubumbashi - 80 years ago an orderly Art Deco city full of French influence and supervised by crisply starched gendarmes, now a genial but volatile chaos of scruffy, bribe-hunting traffic cops where it is not wise to venture out at night.

The once-graceful Belgian buildings, gradually crumbling under thick layers of paint, long ago lost their original purpose.

Outsiders come and go in Africa, some greedy, some idealistic, some halfway between. Time after time, they fail or are defeated, leaving behind scars, slag-heaps, ruins and graveyards, disillusion and disappointment.

We have come a long way from Cecil Rhodes to Bob Geldof, but we still have not brought much happiness with us, and even Nelson Mandela's vaunted 'Rainbow Nation' in South Africa is careering rapidly towards banana republic status.

Now a new great power, China, is scrambling for wealth, power and influence in this sad continent, without a single illusion or pretence.

Perhaps, after two centuries of humbug, this method will work where all other interventions have failed.

But after seeing the bitter, violent desperation unleashed in the mines of Likasi, I find it hard to believe any good will come of it.

 

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Israel Iran Must Read Article

Are we going to have an October surprise, an attack on Iran by either the Bush administration or by Israel to stop the regime from becoming a nuclear power?

It could happen - and alter the dynamics of the presidential race in the blink of an eye - but only if Israel pulls the trigger. Don't expect the United States to drop bombs anytime soon. The reason: Iran has us over a barrel.

According to Britain's Guardian newspaper, Bush earlier this year nixed an Israeli plan to attack Iran's nuclear facilities. Reportedly, the President said no because we couldn't afford Iranian retaliation against our troops in Iraq and Afghanistan or Iran closing down Persian Gulf shipping. Nonetheless, cynical speculation is now swirling in some quarters that with the financial collapse working against McCain - and Bush's legacy coming into focus - the President might reconsider. Could that tail really wag the dog?

Probably not. The fundamental global power dynamics have not changed. Iran has successfully blackmailed us. Iranian Silkworm missiles could close down Gulf oil exports in a matter of minutes, taking about 17 million barrels a day of oil off world markets. Americans could suddenly be looking at the prospect of $10-$12 for a gallon of gas. If the collapse of Wall Street doesn't push us into a depression, that would. And Bush is right: An angered Iran could punish us with thousands of extra casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan, as Iranian-trained, armed and funded fighters flow back into the war zones with a vengeance.

So, giving the go ahead to Israel would just not be worth it.

But none of this changes the fact that Israel - on its own, without U.S. complicity - is moving closer to a decision to attack Iran, almost by the day.

What many Americans miss is that Iran is a threat to Israel's very existence, not an imagined danger used by politicians for political advantage. Every Israeli city is within range of Iranian/Hezbollah rockets. To make matters worse, since the July 2006 34-day war, Hezbollah may have as much as trebled the number of rockets it has targeted on Israel.

Meantime, Hezbollah has become the de facto state in Lebanon. And lest we forget, Israel lost that July 2006 war to Hezbollah, pulling its troops out of Lebanon without having obtained a single objective. In other words, Israel no longer has its deterrence credibility, the fear that it can decisively retaliate against its enemies.

Israel knows that international diplomacy against Iran up until now has been a farce. Iran called Bush's bluff, ignored sanctions and continued its nuclear program with impunity. And if the Israelis needed another psychological kick in the pants, last week North Korea announced that it is back to building a bomb, likewise with impunity.

Finally, Israel has to calculate that American influence around the world is on the wane. Americans are tired of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. And now, after the war in Georgia, Russia is opening up its flow of weapons to Iran.

Couple all of this with Israel's suspicion that Iran is within only a few short years of having a nuclear bomb, and Israel knows time is not on its side. It is starting to believe that it has no choice but to change its fortunes with arms.

This much is certain. Whether the President is named Bush, McCain or Obama, he will either have to prepare for war in the Gulf or find a way to bring Iran back into the nation-state system. The day of reckoning is near.

I myself think a deal can be cut with Iran. During the last 30 years, Iran has gone from a terrorist, revolutionary power to far more rational, calculating regional hegemon. Its belligerence today has more to do with a weakened United States and Israel than with any plans to start World War III.

The question is what price Iran would exact for a settlement. Or more to the point: Would we prefer to take our chances with an Israeli surprise?

Baer, a former CIA case officer, is author of the just-released "The Devil We Know: Dealing with the New Iranian Superpower."

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Washington Is Too Entrenched to Change

 
Whenever I hear McCain and all his supporters say "we are going to change Washington", I just hope people understand that two people, McCain and Palin, will not be able to change much about the way this country is governed and the toilet bowl it is slowly developing into due to the liberal policies. Having had a little experience in trying to change the way large institutions do things, I can attest that just saying they will change washington, and actually succeeding at doing it are two widely different things. Don't forget, they not only have all the democrats to deal with, but also all the entrenched administrators and staffers in all departments.
 
And if they don't succeed, will that hurt Sarah in the future?
 
And how would one measure success in that endeavor?
 
It all just makes me a little nervous that we are making our expectations of sarah and john a little high.
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Putin and Hitler

Too many parallels to list here, but take Russia's poor economy, blame that poor economy on the West's winning of the cold war and the dissolution of the USSR, add the shallow pretense of Russian nationals living in Georgia and you see 1939 all over again.
 
So, who will be the big appeaser that gets their name in history...you know, the one that will go to Russia and get Putin's solemn promise that they only want to annex northern Ossetia and agree that it is ok.
 
(However, for the first time in my adult life, I have a stronger sense of how the world felt in 1938 when it gave the Sudetenland to Germany.  Hindsight is 20-20 and we all look back and say how stupid the world was.  But as Russia enters Georgia, I can see where everyone is hesitant to fall into place for Georgia and go to war to stop Russia.  Hell, the president is enjoying the olympics so why disturb him)
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The Enemy Within

 

In October of 1944, as Hitler was planning his breakout to Antwerp--his last ditch effort to defeat the allied forces--his main problem was how to secure the bridges between Ardennes and Antwerp. To this end, he called upon one of the most dangerous men in Europe, SS Lt Col Otto Skorzeny. Hitler told Skorzeny that he wanted to paralyze the allies long enough to finish developing his terrible weapons that he planned to use against the Allies and therefore win the war.

Hitler ordered Skorzeny to organize and train 3000 loyal brave men to infiltrate the Allied lines and, dressed in American Army uniforms, disrupt the Allied reaction to the German push through the Ardennes. These men would act as spies, saboteurs and spreaders of demoralization. They were to seize and hold the bridges over the Meuse for the main body to cross.

Within two months, Skorzeny’s men were ready. He had taught them how to act American, how to open a pack of cigarettes the American way, how to swear, and how to act “un-militarily”—no heel clicking when coming to attention. They then brazenly entered the American lines with stolen American jeeps and began their secret operation to disrupt and destroy.

There is enough recorded history to show that these men were successful in their operation, directing convoys the wrong way, spreading rumors and lies to demoralize the American GI, even causing Eisenhower’s staff to seclude him for ten days against the possibility of assassination. 

In the end, however, the whole operation became known to American leadership and the Americans searched everyone they were suspicious of. Some of Skorzeny’s men were killed in battle and some were captured. It is not know how many were killed in battle but we do know what happened to 130 of them that were captured and imprisoned. On Dec 22, 1944, all 130 were brought before First Army tribunal and found guilty of “violating the laws of war in wearing the enemy’s uniform behind his lines to deceive and commit espionage and sabotage.” All 130 were executed by firing squad after the trial.

That’s how you deal with the enemy within your borders.

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9/11 Was Not a Tragedy

For politicians and other editorialists to continually refer to  9/11 as a "tragedy"  is to relegate the incident to the annals of history like the Johnstown Flood, hurricane Andrew, earthquakes etc.

It is important to understand that words have as much subtle meaning as they do definition.  The definition of a tragedy is “a disaster, either nature caused or human caused."  I submit that I am not arguing that the results of the attack on the twin towers were not disastrous, but I am saying that the term “tragedy” evokes more than that.  It emphasizes the "unfortunate-ness" of the incident.  The word "tragedy" evokes sympathy for the victims, rather than outrage at this attack upon our soil. The picture evoked when a speaker uses the word tragedy is one of “we are so sorry that this happened,” or “ This was so unfortunate”.  For example, I don't think the american public saw the attack on Pearl Harbor as a tragedy.

The twin tower attack was an attack by our enemies on American soil and we act like it is a tragedy. We should act like we were attacked. Even to this day, people speak with sorrow and unhappiness that this happened. Where is the rage and the anger at our enemies. They declared war on us and we cowered down and talked about memorials to the victims.

How pathetic is that.

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I Stand Corrected

I was wrong in my previous post when I said that the Woodstock Nation had all cut their hair off.  I just returned from visiting the Woodstock Nation website and they still have long hair, beads, handkerchiefs for headwear and those stupid ugly tie-died pullover shirts.  They even still use words like "hippie" and "love" and "peace".
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Woodstock Nation and Peter Pan

 

In the 70’s I taught a unit within my Social Studies classes called “Ethics and Morals”. The object was to present to students true real-life ethical dilemmas so that lively discussions of right and wrong could take place. The primary purpose was to help young adults discover their own ethics and morals by arguing with others and defending their opinions. For example, one of the cases we studied was the Kitty Genovese murder.

However, one particular story within the unit that has always stayed with me over the years was the true story of the killing of an immigrant that took place on the streets of Chicago in the 1960s. The story involved the brother of a woman who had been wronged by her fiancé back in the “old country”. The brother followed the fiancé to the Chicago immigrant ghetto and shot him as he got off the subway. In the story, the neighborhood old folks called it an “honor” killing, and said it was completely acceptable. That’s the way we do it back in the “old country”, they said.

This story has always stayed with me because as I moved out of the classroom and into college administration, I ran into the Diversity, Multiculturalism and Political Correctness forces. These forces were passionate that everyone’s culture be respected by everyone else. Upon first hearing a dean say that everyone who is from a different culture deserves to have that culture respected, I asked the dean if we were to respect the cultures that believe in the sanctity of “honor” killings. Are we to respect the cultures that enslave women, I asked. The answer was always the same—any actions in violation of our own laws would not be tolerated. Therefore, the dean said, anyone doing an “honor” killing in this country should be arrested and brought to trial for murder. (There was, however, no discussion on whether I should respect “honor” killings that take place back in the home country)

Obviously that did not answer my question—that being “Must we respect a culture that goes against all human decency—cultures that promote honor killings, the stoning of women, human slavery, easy divorce for men (saying I Divorce You three times)and no divorce for women, child abuse and female circumcision?” To me, the answer is No, we do not have to respect that culture, not now, not ever. And the forces of Multiculturalism and Diversity be damned for telling me to.

Over the years I have tried to understand how a freedom loving nation such as ours can maintain political correctness attitudes towards those who practice such inhumane rituals. I have decided that the reason is that the Woodstock Nation that is generally responsible for all our “feel good” rules, has never grown up—they have lived in Never Never Land for much too long. The hippies of Woodstock may have cut their hair and changed their clothes, but their view of the world has not changed—As Ray Stevens wrote and sang--“Everybody’s beautiful, in their own way”. And since everybody’s beautiful in their own way, then everyone must be respected. 

Poppycock!!
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Another Time, Same Place--FDR Did it Right

On June 13, 1942, Coastguardsman John Cullen stumbled upon one of the most outrageous acts of war that, until 9/11, had ever taken place on American soil. During a routine midnight beach patrol along a dark and foggy beach on Long Island, he came across a group of men dragging their boat from the surf up onto the beach. Their responses to his questions, and their subsequent attempt to bribe him with a fistful of money, led him to suspect something dire and dangerous. Without any weapons save a flashlight, he wisely backed away into the fog and ran back to the Coast Guard station for assistance. By the time he and his mates had returned with weapons at ready, the group of men were gone.

John Cullen reported the situation to his commander and subsequently to the FBI. Acting on this information and working quickly and efficiently all the men in “Operation Pastorious”, the code name of the German invasion of America designed to disrupt our industrial capabilities, were captured.

FDR ordered that a military commission hear the case. This was the first such tribunal to be convened since the assassination of Abraham Lincoln in 1865 and was conducted in the strictest secrecy. The prosecution team was headed by Attorney General Francis Biddle and the Army’s Judge Advocate General Myron Cramer. 

The trial took one month and all men were found guilty. Two were sentenced to prison, one for thirty years, and one for life. The other 6 were sentenced to the electric chair, a sentence that was carried out at noon the day of their sentencing.

When the nation is at war, the capture of enemy combatants must be dealt with swiftly and judiciously. Anyone found attempting acts of war within our borders must be dealt with exactly as FDR did.

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Lessons From the Football Field for the War on Terrorism

 

It was the winter from hell. Temperatures below zero, snow up to the men’s knees and blinding snow storm blizzards. It was, by all accounts, the worst winter in Europe in centuries. To make matters worse, January 1945, had been one of the worst months of fighting that the European Theater had seen. The Allied Army, after being caught by surprise and losing ground to Hitler’s forces in the Battle of the Bulge had fought back to regain all the ground that had been lost. Slowly, yard by freezing yard, they had taken back land that had already been won, two months ago, and then lost. Finally at the end of January they stood on the edge of Germany, right up against the Siegfried line.

It had been horrifyingly hard work--sleepless 20 below zero nights with inadequate protection from the cold, exhausting assaults through knee-deep crusted snow against massive light arms and armored resistance, hand to hand combat in many cases, and then the impossible task of digging into the frozen ground to hunker down for another sleepless night before doing it all again the next day.

It was an offensive strategy that Eisenhower, Bradley and Patton all believed in so strongly that against all human reasonableness, they pressured the men beyond belief to perform acts of extreme heroism, courage, commitment, that lesser men would have given up on long ago. Why Eisenhower did this is a lesson to us today that we must understand.

There is no doubt that Eisenhower could have stopped his offensive assaults when he hit the Siegfried Line. A massive protective barrier, it gave the Germans the cover they needed to regroup. No reasonable military person would have thought it wrong to stop the offense, rebuild the lines, replace the tired, hungry and freezing veterans with new blood, and strengthen the weak spots in preparation for a spring final assault upon Germany. But Eisenhower had played football and everyone that has ever played the game knows the one hard and fast rule…The best defense is a good offense!!  And so, with exhausted men, in icy cold conditions, he ordered the offensive assault on the Siegfried Line.

It was Patton that said it best—“In war, the only sure defense is offense, and the efficiency of offense depends on the warlike souls of those conducting it.”  And so the American army slogged forward, bone tired, famished, battle weary and frozen, and eventually pushed the Germans all the way back to Berlin.

Today, in the war on terror, it would be good to know that our commander-in-chief and our military leaders all know and understand this principle. It would be even better for our safety and security if the American public knew this and believed in it. If they don’t, we are in for failure after failure in our attempts to defeat the terrorists until such time as someone comes along who does believe in it and crushes the terrorists in an overwhelming offense. 

So instead of chanting “Defense, Defense” as the fans do at football and basketball games, we need to start chanting—“Offense, Offense!!!  If we don't, prepare to lose ground to the terrorists....

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Read My Lips, Its the Intelligence Stupid

Anyone reading my blog by now realizes how strongly I feel that intelligence gathering procedures are the most important part of any battle or war. As poor as our American intelligence has been in the present war, poor intelligence is not new to warfare in North America.

In 1758, British and Colonial provincials made a major error in their first assault upon Fort Carillon (later renamed Ticonderoga by the British), a French held fort on the waterway entrance from New York to Canada.  Although the British forces greatly outnumbered the French forces 16,000 to 4,000, the French forces won the battle that day.  General Sun Tzu would have loved the battle because one of the major reasons that the British lost was one of Sun Tzu’s favorite principals. 

Sun Tzu, if you do not already know, was a Chinese general that lived 2,500 years ago and wrote the manual—“The Art of War”—a manual read around the world by military organizations.  In it Sun Tzu outlines several principals that are generally recognized as necessary to win a war.  One of those states, “All warfare is based upon deception”. 

If only the British commander, General James Abercrombie, had read the manual before the battle, he might have been more successful.  But apparently he had never heard of Sun Tzu.  However, the French commander, Louis-Joseph de Montcalm, whether he had read Sun Tzu or not, applied the principal of deception with wondrous results.

Knowing the British would send scouts (spies) to watch the fort preparations, Montcalm skillfully hid the main fortifications from view and created what looked like to the British scouts to be a flimsy half hearted weak fortress. With the British scouts looking down on the busy French forces, Montcalm ordered all his men to look busy building the weak fortress.

The scouts brought the word back that the fortress was weak and vulnerable. Abercrombie sent more spies to check it out and they reported back with the same information. Acting on this information, and unaware that there was not only a strong impenetrable fortress hidden in the woods, but also a horrible array of fallen timbers with sharpened points hidden in front of the deception, Abercrombie ordered the assault. 

Historians note that Abercrombie lost the battle because he lost control of his forces and the attack was badly managed. However, the real reason he lost was his poor intelligence reports.

Let’s hope that American military experts have heard of Sun Tzu and are fully aware that the enemy has heard of him also.

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The Top Two

I think Charles Krauthammer and Mort Zuckerman are two of the most, if not the most, intelligent thinkers and pundits writing today. I think they are dead-on correct in almost everything they write.

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